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\title{A text}
\date{April 21, 2014}
\author{Nikos Maziotis, Pola Roupa}
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March 10\textsuperscript{th} 2010. Lambros Foundas, member of the Revolutionary Struggle falls dead by the bullets of a cop in Dafni during a preparatory action of the organization. Four years later the proposed political action of Lambros Foundas and the Revolutionary Struggle where he acted, is even more topical, the choice of struggle and the strategy of the action even more imperative. Four years later and the terms of life of millions of people are becoming more and more miserable in the name of saving the economic and political system which is being buried deeper and deeper in the crisis. Four years ago comrade Lambros Foundas gave his life to a political attempt to not turn decadence into a way of life, to not sacrifice people in order to save the system. He gave his life to a political attempt whose final aim was to throw the corpse of capitalism and with It the state, in the trash of history. He gave his life to open the only path for the complete overcoming of crises, to open the way for social liberation, for Social Revolution. This is the matter which is worth fighting for, even dying for.


Lambros Foundas lives and will always live for those who the revolution remains a live prospect. He lives and will live always as this revolutionary figure which incarnates the dreams of the revolutionaries today at every corner of the planet. He lives and will live as a symbol and beacon of the revolution.


Authority always invested in the cultivation and exploitation of the baser instincts of its subjects in order to exterminate the revolutionaries and its political opponents. The greek state has a rich tradition concerning this. The bounties and rewards for the extermination of fighters of ELAS (Greek People’s Liberation Army during the second world war) and the guerillas of the Democratic Army was a standard phenomenon. The civil war in the battle of propaganda of the then regime against its political enemies were persecuted as “common robbers”. And the rewards for every cut off head of a guerilla that the various nationalists brought were in the daily schedule.


Despite the different conditions of today’s era, the terror of today’s authority which skins the greek people in order to feed the crows of the international elite in front of the prospect of beginning a new guerilla war which will blow their plans in the air, makes them resort to the sleazy and vulgar methods of bounties and head hunting, seeking to arouse the most despicable instincts of all kinds of well-wishers of authority.


It is understood that the oppressive mechanisms gravitate to such kind of moves led by the history and political course of the persons and in our case it is an especially defining factor that we took the political responsibility for our participation in the Revolutionary Struggle. The special political weight of the action, the resonance of the Revolutionary Struggle, the claim of the political responsibility by us, the political attitude after our arrests and our attitude in side the court where we defended all the actions of the organization, as well as our fixed position that armed struggle is a very important factor for the promotion of social Revolution especially inside the conditions we live today, are factors weighing over the anguish of the state mechanisms to find a way to arrest us.


The bounty on its own and without anyone saying anything additional, reveals the traditional dimension of armed action in today’s era where the capitalist system has entered the deepest and longest crisis in its history, it has been discredited in the conscience of the people and the sensitive political stability is no longer based on consensus, but blackmail, fear and raw violence. The rulers know that armed action has the strength to decisively shake the sensitive political balances pushing the regime deeper into destabilization.


Our bounty of two million euros besides all other, is undoubtedly an enormous sum for the economic factors of that time and the dire situation of the state funds, which bedazzled even some tough regime-friendly major journalists who publicly asked “where will this money come from?”. The fact that the rulers are continuously cutting expenses which concern the survival of millions of people, but provocatively state that two million they give to snitches and head-hunters who will help arrest us, makes this bounty even more scandalous at an economic but also ethical level.


It’s not the first time the state has put a bounty on us. In 2007 after the attack on the american embassy, the greek state had put a bounty on us as Revolutionary Struggle and not as individuals of course, since we had not been arrested, of eight hundred thousand euro, while the american state of one million dollars. That period the state funds were not empty and despite all this the sum of the bounty for information which would help dismantle the Revolutionary Struggle was smaller than the one which today — amidst the intensification of the crisis and the complete drying up of the state funds — they put a bounty on us as individuals. This is not a paradox since it reveals the increasing weight of armed action or even the threat in this current liquid period. And probably the bounties come to some kind of analogy with this weight and its definitive force to lead the political and social developments.


But this method of of bounty proves one more thing. That there is no social consent in the war against “terrorism” despite their declarations of the opposite, a treaty directly connected with the social and political period where the consent in the economic and political system ceases to exist in the majority of parts of society because of the crisis and the policies of its management by the political and economic authority. How many think today that the social threat comes from the armed revolutionary action? How many are those who think that the social threat is Maziotis and Roupa? The majority of people today have felt in their skin what is the terrorism of capital and state and they consider this as the biggest threat, this is for them the real fear. The lack of this consent to the system is known by the rulers this is why they do not believe that they can rely on the “social responsibility” of snitches, their faith towards the regime, their devotion towards the economic and political masters and how selflessly and without material exchange will be able to find help from bellow to arrest us. This is why they resort to luring informers with rewards, hoping that in times of extreme material misery and poverty because of the crisis, there will be some who will drop to the lowest step of ethical decadence. For these reasons what the minister of Public Order and head head-hunter, Dendias stated, sounded completely hypocritical and simultaneously blithely, In his vain attempt to present armed action as a threat even for the workers of this country!


The hiatus of the political authority concerning the development of armed action in the historical period we are living in mirrors the package of measures announced by the government for the imprisoned armed fighters, but also the restructuring of the function of the greek police. The new high security prisons with the predominant purpose being the isolation of the armed political opponents of the regime and their removal form the rest of the prisoners, come as the “natural” progression of the “antiterrorist” laws voted in the previous years. But the period within which a prison like this is created demonstrates the fear of the rulers in the face of the political phenomenon of action. For the same reason they toughen the legislative frame of dealing with armed fighters by bending the rules and regulations concerning their prison time, abolishing their days of leave and early releases. We believe however that with these measures the regime permeates the consciousness of many more people and seeks to insult the will of new fighters who see revolutionary action today as an imperative political necessity. And it is not accidental that at every chance and because of the bounties and announcements about new measures in the imprisonments of armed fighters, Dendias refers to the “some thousands who flirt with terrorism” and recently enacts extensive operations in houses of anarchists obviously seeking to terrorize. As for the restructuring of police operations, this also constitutes a logical progression of the states attempts for a more efficacious treatment of armed action and, mainly, for the prevention of armed attacks. This is why the main focus now is the central police strategy.


However, their attempts to isolate and oppress armed action, and their attempts to terrorize, are an exercise in futility, since social developments and conditions as the system itself forms them, sooner or later will contribute to the creation of a widened armed revolutionary front for the liberation of society from the slavery of state and capitalism. They will contribute to their nightmare becoming a reality.


The common denominator of all these actions by the regime is the creation of legislative, policing, but also political constraints around armed fighters and mainly those who live “underground”. Contained in this denominator is the long term strategy of creating a regime of “increased pressure” by any possible means, hoping that it will create a more socially palatable situation for our arrests such as the continuous propaganda it channels through the mainstream media, through which we are implicated in a long series of incidents, attacks and political acts none of which were of our doing whatsoever. This strategy would be logical and justified from the side of the state mechanisms, since we understand that their desire to arrest us is great. But has now left the level of a calm and studied move and we could say has reached the limits of an obsession and paranoia, since behind every armed attack which takes place in this land, behind every incident which could even remotely have political dimensions or extensions -i.e. the case with weapons found in a car in Faliro-, they “see” either directly or indirectly that we have something to do with it, “Maziotis group” etc has something to do with. And in this procedure of course, comes in to play also most mainstream media as spokespersons of the ministry of Public Order. Of course, we will not refer to all of the junk of the journalistic “reports”, in which are included even scenarios about our possible “room-mates” in hiding. As for the latter the only information we have to publish is that we have some serious criteria for our political relations which are political, but mainly based on an ethical code which includes the attitude of fighters during the crucial, but simultaneously revealing moment of arrest. The matter at hand however is the arbitrary implication of our names in the organization OLA (\dots{}). We understand that for those “in charge” of the oppressive and persecuting mechanisms, the philosophy of action and theoretical approach and analysis of an organization are tough matters for them to analyse. This is why the justification of their “certainty” of our alleged protagonist role in this organization so much at an operational level as well as its texts, is being based on shoddy and completely false approaches. This is why for “this safe conclusion” they state that they base it on the fact that this specific organization uses RPGs.


But the Revolutionary Struggle had different political criteria in the way of action, the way and place the politically chosen target would be hurt, a fact which defined the choice of the means and operational methodology avoiding operational acrobatics. The second is the communiques. Of course, we did not expect that the analysts of the antiterrorist force could distinguish small or large political differences in the writings of armed organizations — such as differences between a leninist and an anarchist communiqué — and we know for years now that their analyses and interpretations remain stuck on shoddy and superficial readings of the communiques. For example, in this specific case we are sure that an analysis by some organization on the economic crisis, no matter of what political origin or direction it had they would believe it came from us. And this because the Revolutionary Struggle has repeatedly referred to the current crisis of the system with texts long before it expressed its dynamic and mainly, gave it a strategic role in the formation of the complete political direction of the organization. For this major matter we continued after our arrests to write and speak as members of the Revolutionary Struggle.


We hope that we will not have to return to such matters. As for any possible future mention of our names in incidents and groups irrelevant to us, what we want to clarify is that our history itself will finally be what discredits the myriad false claims of the state mechanism against us and our political choices. Because our history is our name, it is us.


HONOUR FOR EVER TO COMRADE LAMBROS FOUNDAS


\emph{\textbf{Pola Roupa, Nikos Maziotis}}




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Nikos Maziotis, Pola Roupa

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April 21, 2014


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